Rodrigues 1985 presents evidence for relationships between Cariban and Tupían languages. Among other things, he presents three lists of cognate forms between the two families, arguing that they are due to a) shared inheritance between Cariban and Tupían, b) contact between Proto-Tupi-Guarani and "North Amazonian Cariban", c) recent contact of Cariban languages with Nhengatu or some other TG language. Parts of these lists were modelled as a CLDF dataset and are here visualized with cldfviz.
This list contains 121 shared cognate sets which are argued to be likely due to shared inheritance from a common ancestor. Rodrigues does acknowledge the possibility of borrowing, but not of chance resemblance, and gives a list of 20 cognate sets (16 lexical) that are particularly solidly attested in both language families. Only this sublist was investigated, as it suffices to show that no genealogical connection can be established based on these particularly strong cognate sets. Cariban is mostly represented by Hixkaryána, Waiwai, Pemon, Galibi Carib, Bakairí, Macushi, and Tupían by Tupinambá and Tuparí. These data were augmented with additional cognate words from both families, as well as reconstructible forms. In most cases, simply comparing the reconstructed Proto-Tupi-Guarani and Proto-Cariban forms suffices to show that the words are, in fact, not even cognate. Rather, the perceived similarity is mostly due to chance resemblance. There are two cases where the similarity does not disappear when more forms are considered:
Apalaí um, Bakairí ũe, Galibi Carib umu, Hixkaryána ɨm, Pemon uŋ, Tupinambá uβ, Waiwai ɨm, Tuparí op.
PC ‘father’, tentatively reconstructed as *jumɨ.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| um | Apalaí | - | u | - | m | - |
| ũe | Bakairí | - | ũ | e | - | - |
| jumɨ | Proto-Cariban | j | u | - | m | ɨ |
| umu | Galibi Carib | - | u | - | m | u |
| ɨm | Hixkaryána | - | ɨ | - | m | - |
| uŋ | Pemon | - | u | - | ŋ | - |
| ɨm | Waiwai | - | ɨ | - | m | - |
Tupian ‘father’. Incidentally, one of the forms with initial PT *Dj; lost in Tupari and reanalyzed in Aweti-Guarani. See TuLaR: 5755.
| Form | Language | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| uβ | Tupinambá | - | u | β |
| op | Tuparí | - | o | p |
| up | Proto-Tupi-Guarani | - | u | p |
| up | Proto-Maweti-Guarani | - | u | p |
| sup | Sateré-Mawé | s | u | p |
Galibi Carib ka-tɨ, Hixkaryána ka-tɨ, Mundurukú ʃep, Tuparí ʔap, Tupinambá kaβ, Waiwai ka, Wayana ka-t, Wayana kap-hak.
Note that Wayana kap-hak ‘fat’ is kaphak in de Goeje 1946; the segmentation was perhaps done to create the appearance of a TG-like form kap. The actual segmentation is ka-phak (Tavares 2005).
PC *katɨ ‘fat’. Note that some languages reinterpreted the final syllable as a PERT marker.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| katɨ | Proto-Cariban | k | a | t | ɨ |
| ka-tɨ | Galibi Carib | k | a | t | ɨ |
| ka-tɨ | Hixkaryána | k | a | t | ɨ |
| ka | Waiwai | k | a | - | - |
| ka-t | Wayana | k | a | t | - |
| kap-hak | Wayana | k | a | - | - |
Tupian ‘fat’. It is not clear if all forms are cognate.
| Form | Language | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| ʃep | Mundurukú | ʃ | e | p |
| ʔap | Tuparí | ʔ | a | p |
| kaβ | Tupinambá | k | a | β |
| kap | Proto-Tupi-Guarani | k | a | p |
Bakairí a, Hixkaryána a, Mundurukú ɨp, Tuparí ep, Tupinambá oβ, Waiwai a.
PC *jare ‘leaf’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| a | Bakairí | - | a | - | - |
| sarɨ | Bakairí | s | a | r | ɨ |
| jare | Proto-Cariban | j | a | r | e |
| a | Hixkaryána | - | a | - | - |
| a | Waiwai | - | a | - | - |
| jaa | Waiwai | j | aa | - | - |
| arɨ | Hixkaryána | - | a | r | ɨ |
Tupian ‘leaf’. Incidentally, one of the forms with initial PT *Dj.
| Form | Language | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|
| ɨp | Mundurukú | ɨ | p |
| ep | Tuparí | e | p |
| oβ | Tupinambá | o | β |
| op | Proto-Tupi-Guarani | o | p |
Tupinambá pɨta, Tuparí sito, Mundurukú ida, Hixkaryána ɨhta, Hixkaryána ɨhta-kmarunu, Waiwai hta, Pemon pɨta, Wayana pta, Wayana pta-pu, Kuikúro-Kalapálo uta-pɨ.
It is not clear if the Mundurukú and Akuntsu forms are indeed cognate. However, there is a distinct possibility that Proto-Tupi-Guarani pɨta ‘heel’ is etymologically complex, as the apparent sound correspondences reoccur in 'foot'. This suggests that Proto-Tupi-Guarani pɨta ‘heel’ can be divided into pɨ+ta; other languages have different constellations, like Tuparí sito 'foot', siata 'heel' (Alves 2004) or Suruí piipe ‘foot’, Suruí pinia ‘heel’ (Bontkes 1978).
PC *pɨta ‘heel’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| pɨta | Proto-Cariban | p | ɨ | t | a |
| ɨhta | Hixkaryána | h | - | t | a |
| ɨhta-kmarunu | Hixkaryána | h | - | t | a |
| hta | Waiwai | h | - | t | a |
| pɨta | Pemon | p | ɨ | t | a |
| pta | Wayana | p | - | t | a |
| pta-pu | Wayana | p | - | t | a |
| uta-pɨ | Kuikúro-Kalapálo | - | - | t | a |
Tupian ‘heel’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| pɨta | Tupinambá | p | ɨ | t | a | - | - |
| pɨta | Proto-Tupi-Guarani | p | ɨ | t | a | - | - |
| pɨa | Sateré-Mawé | p | ɨ | - | a | - | - |
| apɨta | Awetí | p | ɨ | t | a | - | - |
| wə̰jda˦ | Mundurukú | j | - | d | a | � | - |
| piat͡ʃa | Akuntsu | p | i | - | a | t͡ʃ | a |
Tupian ‘foot’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| i | Mundurukú | - | - | i |
| i | Kuruáya | - | - | i |
| pi | Gavião Do Jiparaná | - | p | i |
| pi | Karitiâna | - | p | i |
| mbi | Tuparic | m | b | i |
| pɨdapa | Xipaya | - | p | ɨ |
| pibɛʔ | Karo (Brazil) | - | p | i |
| wəi | Mundurukú | - | - | i |
| pɨ | Proto-Tupi-Guarani | - | p | ɨ |
Tupinambá ɨβɨ, Tupinambá ɨβɨ-tɨr, Mundurukú ipi, Hixkaryána ɨhɨ, Apalaí ɨpɨ, Bakairí ɨwɨ, Kuikúro-Kalapálo uu, Wayana ɨpɨ, Galibi Carib wɨɨpɨ, Island Carib wébo.
PC *(w)ɨpɨ ‘mountain’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| ɨhɨ | Hixkaryána | - | ɨ | h | ɨ |
| ɨpɨ | Apalaí | - | ɨ | p | ɨ |
| ɨwɨ | Bakairí | - | ɨ | w | ɨ |
| uu | Kuikúro-Kalapálo | - | - | - | uu |
| ɨpɨ | Wayana | - | ɨ | p | ɨ |
| wɨɨpɨ | Galibi Carib | w | ɨɨ | p | ɨ |
| (w)ɨpɨ | Proto-Cariban | w | ɨ | p | ɨ |
Tupian ‘earth’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| ɨβɨ | Tupinambá | ɨ | β | ɨ |
| ɨβɨ-tɨr | Tupinambá | ɨ | β | ɨ |
| ɨβɨ | Proto-Tupi-Guarani | ɨ | β | ɨ |
| ipi | Mundurukú | i | p | i |
Tupinambá mirĩ, Tuparí ʔiri, Bakairí i-meri, Macushi miri-kɨ.
Two distinct cognate sets, with the Bakairí form actually coming from 'son'.
PC ‘son’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| i-meri | Bakairí | m | e | - | - |
| mure | Proto-Taranoan | m | u | r | e |
| mɨre | Proto-Parukotoan | m | ɨ | r | e |
| mure | Pará Arára | m | u | r | e |
| mure | Ikpeng | m | u | r | e |
| tɨ-me-rɨ | Bakairí | m | e | - | - |
Pemongan ‘small’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| miri-kɨ | Macushi | - | - | - | m | i | r | i | - | k | ɨ |
| siʔmirikɨ | Macushi | s | i | ʔ | m | i | r | i | - | k | ɨ |
| siʔrəʔkə | Pemon | s | i | ʔ | - | - | r | ə | ʔ | k | ə |
Tupian ‘small’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| mirĩ | Tupinambá | m | i | r | ĩ |
| mirĩ | Proto-Tupi-Guarani | m | i | r | ĩ |
Tupinambá epɨ, Tuparí epei, Waiwai eɸe, Pemon epe-pɨ, Hixkaryána ehe-thɨrɨ, Hixkaryána ehe-ma, Wayana epe-ma, Bakairí epɨ, Bakairí epɨ-wa.
PC *epe ‘payment’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| eɸe | Waiwai | e | ɸ | e |
| epe-pɨ | Pemon | e | p | e |
| ehe-thɨrɨ | Hixkaryána | e | h | e |
| ehe-ma | Hixkaryána | e | h | e |
| epe-ma | Wayana | e | p | e |
| epɨ | Bakairí | - | - | e |
| epɨ-wa | Bakairí | - | - | e |
| epe | Proto-Cariban | e | p | e |
Tupinamba and Tuparí ‘payment’. No other cognates found.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| epɨ | Tupinambá | e | p | - | ɨ |
| epei | Tuparí | e | p | e | i |
Tupinambá (j)ar, Tuparí at, Mundurukú d͡ʒat, Waiwai a-rɨ, Hixkaryána a, Pemon a-lɨ, Galibi Carib a-ro, Bakairí a.
PC *arə ‘take’
| Form | Language | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| a-rɨ | Waiwai | a | r | ɨ |
| a | Hixkaryána | - | - | a |
| a-lɨ | Pemon | a | l | ɨ |
| a-ro | Galibi Carib | a | r | o |
| a | Bakairí | - | - | a |
| arə | Proto-Cariban | a | r | ə |
Tupian ‘to take’. Though no PTG form has been reconstructed, syllable-final PTG *r is instead reconstructed as *t by Meira & Drude. Maybe *jat?
| Form | Language | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| (j)ar | Tupinambá | j | a | r |
| at | Tuparí | - | a | t |
| d͡ʒat | Mundurukú | d͡ʒ | a | t |
Tupinambá man, Tuparí ma-, Waiwai ma, Hixkaryána man-ho, Hixkaryána mam-ko, Hixkaryána mamu, Pemon man-um.
No cognates found for the Tupian forms. Cariban forms are actually two distinct cognate sets:
PC ‘to dance’ (one of three).
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| ma | Waiwai | m | a | - | - | - | - | - | - |
| man-ho | Hixkaryána | m | a | n | - | - | - | - | - |
| man-um | Pemon | m | a | n | - | - | u | m | - |
| manumɨ | Proto-Cariban | m | a | n | - | - | u | m | ɨ |
| manɨm | Waiwai | m | a | n | - | - | ɨ | m | - |
| manunumɨ | Macushi | m | a | n | u | n | u | m | ɨ |
Cariban ‘wall’. Only attested in Waiwaian.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| mam-ko | Hixkaryána | m | a | m | - |
| mamu | Hixkaryána | m | a | m | u |
| mamu | Proto-Waiwaian | m | a | m | u |
Tuparí om, Mundurukú ɨ̃m, Waiwai ɨm, Hixkaryána ɨm, Apalaí um, Bakairí u.
The Cariban forms belong to two distinct cognate sets. Only the Parukotoan one looks potentially cognate to the Tupian forms.
PC *utu ‘to give’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| u | Bakairí | - | - | u |
| utu | Proto-Cariban | u | t | u |
Parukotoan ‘to give’. A *t-adding verb.
| Form | Language | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| ɨm | Waiwai | ɨ | m | - |
| ɨm | Hixkaryána | ɨ | m | - |
| ɨmɨ | Proto-Parukotoan | ɨ | m | ɨ |
| mɨ | Kaxuiâna | - | m | ɨ |
Tupian ‘to give’. Not attested in MAG, but Munduruku. No other cognates found.
| Form | Language | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|
| om | Tuparí | o | m |
| ɨ̃m | Mundurukú | ɨ̃ | m |
| õm | Kuruáya | õ | m |
| om | Arikem | o | m |
Tupinambá paβ, Tuparí pap, Mundurukú apam, Hixkaryána wah, Pemon paʔ-nese.
Pemon paʔ-nese ‘to die, end’ is clearly a participle (paʔne-se), but I have found no other attestations of paʔne.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| wah | Hixkaryána | - | w | a | - | - | h | - |
| wajiɸɨ | Proto-Parukotoan | - | w | a | j | i | ɸ | ɨ |
| wajiɸɨ | Waiwai | - | w | a | j | i | ɸ | ɨ |
| wajehɨ | Hixkaryána | - | w | a | j | e | h | ɨ |
| awajihɨ | Kaxuiâna | a | w | a | j | i | h | ɨ |
Tupian ‘to end’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| paβ | Tupinambá | p | a | β |
| pap | Tuparí | p | a | p |
| pap | Proto-Tupi-Guarani | p | a | p |
| pap | Proto-Maweti-Guarani | p | a | p |
Tupinambá pak, Tupinambá mo-pak, Tuparí e-pak, Waiwai ɸaka, Pemon paka-, Hixkaryána haka, Hixkaryána om-paka.
Only languages of the TG Subgroup III (Nhengatu etc.) have paka; potential influence from Cariban?
PC ‘to wake’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| ɸaka | Waiwai | ɸ | a | k | a |
| paka- | Pemon | p | a | k | a |
| haka | Hixkaryána | h | a | k | a |
| om-paka | Hixkaryána | p | a | k | a |
| paka | Proto-Cariban | p | a | k | a |
Tupian ‘to wake’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| pak | Tupinambá | p | a | k | - |
| mo-pak | Tupinambá | p | a | k | - |
| e-pak | Tuparí | p | a | k | - |
| pak | Proto-Tupi-Guarani | p | a | k | - |
| paku | Jurúna | p | a | k | u |
Tupinambá por, Tuparí pot-ʔeki, Tuparí õ-pot, Waiwai ahro, Pemon apurumɨ.
Superficial similarity to Cariban forms due to PTG *t > r.
PC *apurumɨ ‘to jump’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| ahro | Waiwai | a | h | - | r | o | - | - |
| apurumɨ | Pemon | a | p | u | r | u | m | ɨ |
| ahpəmɨ | Panare | a | h | - | p | ə | m | ɨ |
| apɨrumɨ | Macushi | a | p | ɨ | r | u | m | ɨ |
| aporomɨ | Galibi Carib | a | p | o | r | o | m | ɨ |
| ahonɨmɨ | Kaxuiâna | a | h | o | n | ɨ | m | ɨ |
| ahanɨmɨ | Ye'kwana | a | h | a | n | ɨ | m | ɨ |
| alum | Ikpeng | a | - | - | l | u | m | - |
| apurumɨ | Proto-Cariban | a | p | u | r | u | m | ɨ |
Tupian ‘to jump’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| por | Tupinambá | p | o | r |
| pot-ʔeki | Tuparí | p | o | t |
| õ-pot | Tuparí | p | o | t |
| pot | Proto-Tupi-Guarani | p | o | t |
Tupinambá so, Mundurukú t͡ʃɨ, Sateré-Mawé to, Awetí to, Waiwai to, Hixkaryána to, Bakairí də.
PC *ɨtəmə ‘to go’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| to | Waiwai | - | t | - | - | o |
| to | Hixkaryána | - | t | - | - | o |
| də | Bakairí | - | d | - | - | ə |
| ɨtəmə | Proto-Cariban | ɨ | t | ə | m | ə |
| ɨtə(mə) | Ye'kwana | ɨ | t | ə | m | ə |
| (e)to(m) | Waiwai | e | t | o | m | - |
Tupian ‘to go’.
| Form | Language | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|
| so | Tupinambá | s | o |
| t͡ʃɨ | Mundurukú | t͡ʃ | ɨ |
| to | Sateré-Mawé | t | o |
| to | Awetí | t | o |
| t͡so | Proto-Tupi-Guarani | t͡s | o |
Tupinambá ʔe, Tuparí ke, Tuparí ka, Mundurukú ʔe, Waiwai ka, Hixkaryána ka, Pemon ka, Bakairí ke.
PC *ka(ti) ‘to say, do’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| ka | Waiwai | k | a | - | - |
| ka | Hixkaryána | k | a | - | - |
| ka | Pemon | k | a | - | - |
| ke | Bakairí | k | e | - | - |
| ka(ti) | Proto-Cariban | k | a | t | i |
Tupian ‘to say’. Not cognate with t-say-2 according to TuLaR.
| Form | Language | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|
| ʔe | Tupinambá | ʔ | e |
| ʔe | Mundurukú | ʔ | e |
Tupari and Mekens ‘to say’. Not cognate with t-say-1 according to TuLaR.
| Form | Language | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|
| ke | Tuparí | k | e |
| ka | Tuparí | k | a |
Tupinambá tiŋ, Tuparí niŋ, Hixkaryána t͡ʃeme, Pemon i-teg, Galibi Carib e-tim-ui, Macushi tɨmɨ, Trió tinje.
While the Tupinambá form does not readily fit into a cognate set, 1) the usual TG form is timbo (TuLaR), 2) the Cariban forms are verbs, not nouns. The etymology of Pemon i-teg ‘(to) poison’ is unknown.
PC ‘to poison with timbó’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| t͡ʃeme | Hixkaryána | t͡ʃ | e | m | e |
| e-tim-ui | Galibi Carib | t | i | m | - |
| tɨmɨ | Macushi | t | ɨ | m | ɨ |
| tinje | Trió | t | i | n | - |
| tum | Wayana | t | u | m | - |
| tɨmɨ | Apalaí | t | ɨ | m | ɨ |
| tɨmə | Panare | t | ɨ | m | ə |
| t͡ʃim | Waiwai | t͡ʃ | i | m | - |
Tupian ‘timbó’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| tiŋ | Tupinambá | t | i | - | ŋ |
| niŋ | Tuparí | n | i | - | ŋ |
| *tĩ(ĩ)k | Tuparic | t | ĩ | ĩ | k |
Apalaí awaʃi, Galibi Carib awasi, Island Carib awaʃi, Tupinambá aβati.
Clearly a loan from some TG language into Galibi Carib and Apalaí, as other Cariban languages show cognate forms.
PC *əCVnati ‘corn’. CV syllable reduced everywhere.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| aʔnaiʔ | Akawaio-Ingariko | a | ʔ | n | a | - | i | ʔ |
| ãʒi | Bakairí | - | - | - | ã | ʒ | i | - |
| ahãĩ | Bakairí | a | h | - | ã | - | ĩ | - |
| anad͡ʒi | Carijona | a | - | n | a | d͡ʒ | i | - |
| nasɨnasɨ | Hixkaryána | - | - | n | a | s | ɨ | - |
| anat | Ikpeng | a | - | n | a | t | - | - |
| oʔnasɨ | Kaxuiâna | o | ʔ | n | a | s | ɨ | - |
| ana | Kuikúro-Kalapálo | a | - | n | a | - | - | - |
| aʔnai | Macushi | a | ʔ | n | a | - | i | - |
| ənɲa | Ye'kwana | ə | n | ɲ | a | - | - | - |
| onat | Pará Arára | o | - | n | a | t | - | - |
| aʔnai | Pemon | a | ʔ | n | a | - | i | - |
| aanai | Trió | aa | - | n | a | - | i | - |
| nasɨnasɨ | Waiwai | - | - | n | a | s | ɨ | - |
| ehnai | Wayana | e | h | n | a | - | i | - |
PTG *aβati ‘corn’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| awaʃi | Apalaí | a | w | a | ʃ | i |
| awasi | Galibi Carib | a | w | a | s | i |
| awaʃi | Island Carib | a | w | a | ʃ | i |
| aβati | Tupinambá | a | β | a | t | i |
| fat | Wayampi | - | f | a | t | - |
Galibi Carib alawi, Island Carib elewe, Pemon araut, Tupinambá araβe.
Single form arawe loaned from from Wayampi-Zoe-Emerillon and/or Nhengatu (languages with loss of initial *t) into Cariban. Pemongan added some initial material.
PTG *taraβe ‘cockroach’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| masarawe | Akawaio-Ingariko | a | r | a | w | e |
| alawi | Galibi Carib | a | l | a | w | i |
| arawe | Galibi Carib | a | r | a | w | e |
| elewe | Island Carib | e | l | e | w | e |
| masaruwa | Macushi | a | r | u | w | a |
| arawe | Nhengatu | a | r | a | w | e |
| araut | Pemon | a | r | a | - | u |
| arawe | Pemon | a | r | a | w | e |
| asarwa | Pemon | a | r | - | w | a |
| arawe | Trió | a | r | a | w | e |
| araβe | Tupinambá | a | r | a | β | e |
| arawe | Wayana | a | r | a | w | e |
| alawɛ | Wayampi | a | l | a | w | ɛ |
PC *nukə ‘termite’.
| Form | Language | - | - | - | - |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| nuko | Apalaí | n | u | k | o |
| nukə | Wayana | n | u | k | ə |
| ŋũke | Kuikúro-Kalapálo | ŋ | ũ | k | e |
| nukə | Akurio | n | u | k | ə |
| nukə | Trió | n | u | k | ə |